Teachings from the Language Tree, part 4: The Fluid Nature of Our Language

zhaawano
1 day ago
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Updated: 8 hours ago

Binaakwe-giizis (Falling Leaves Moon)/ Waatebagaa-giizis (Leaves-Turning-Colors Moon); November 3, 2025

This post contains a list of words and their phonetic transcriptions in the Ojibwe language

"The Fluid Nature of Our Language" painting by Zhaawano Giizhik

Boozhoo, aaniin,

It is often said that language is dynamic and constantly evolving, suggesting that there is no incorrect way to use it. However, this idea is still debatable. Language is meant to mirror the culture, viewpoints, and beliefs of its speakers. But what happens when a language becomes artificial, losing its authentic essence? Does Anishinaabemowin still represent the experiences, values, and beliefs of the Anishinaabebaniig, the people from the old days, and gete-Anishinaabe izhitwaawin, their old way of life?

On the positive side, today we all have the chance to learn Anishinaabemowin, the Ojibwe language. The downside, however, is that few people realize that the language lessons offered by teachers, often with academic backgrounds since the 70s, actually represent a new language. This new language is largely disconnected from the speech of the gichi-aya'aag, the elders, and is instead based on the grammar of zhaaganaashiimowin (the English language). As a result, this new language is a written, artificial construct that reflects the syntax, grammar rules, and worldviews of a foreign culture, while the language spoken by our ancestors was grounded in nature, the spirits, and primarily consisted of sounds. Sounds conveyed the story, not artificial grammar rules. The gichi-aya'aag never relied on grammar in the first place.

Western colonization disturbed traditional Indigenous lifestyles by enforcing patriarchal and capitalist structures. The languages of the Anishinaabeg underwent transformations and gradually began to mirror this disturbance of the traditional Anishinaabe culture and perspective. As a result, Anishinaabemowin has now become unfamiliar to those who still recall the ancient oral language handed down by their ancestors. It is vitally important to respectfully seek guidance and learn from these Elders while they are still with us.

A clear example of how Anishinaabemowin, once vibrant, became a foreign language lacking the ancestral spirit is seen in the artificial division by Ojibwe grammar teachers of verbs and nouns into animate and inanimate categories. Much of the original context and the cultural and spiritual layers of Anishinaabemowin had been lost because of the modern focus on grammar rules and the Western idea of inanimacy.

The Ojibwe language was originally an oral language without any grammar rules. Missionaries were responsible for creating Ojibwe scripts. Prior to this, Anishinaabemowin consisted of sounds that did not correspond to English sounds. This led to the development of folk phonetic methods. However, the challenge was that the sounds had different meanings. A range of consonants from the English alphabet was incorporated, either added to the sounds or appended after the Ojibwe sounds that missionaries documented as scripts. This significantly altered the language from how it was spoken in pre-contact times.

"Although most Ojibwe language teachers today employ an artificial division between animate and inanimate, our ancestors did not include such distinctions. Listening to the Elders speak reveals a linguistic structure in their words and sentences that requires you to acknowledge that drums, pipes, animals, plants, trees, and natural phenomena were all regarded as animate beings."

Never underestimate the impact of linking a culture and its language to a foreign culture and language! Students learning a second language will never truly master Anishinaabemowin until they also understand the cultural contexts of the language. Geget, grammar and vocabulary are important tools for communication, but only the ability to engage in meaningful, culturally relevant, context-specific conversations with other fluent speakers will keep gidinwewininaan alive. We need to critically examine how zhaaganaashiimowin (the English language) has colonized our language and our thinking. Additionally, we must scrutinize the roles of our educators and their methods of teaching gidinwewininaan. The development of scholarship programs in the early 1970s, especially in Minnesota, supported higher education, language, and academic programs in public schools, tribal schools, and tribal colleges. This led to a new generation of academically trained textbook teachers who introduced grammar based on English and a syntax that mirrors English sentence structure. Over the past 50 years, the use of artificial grammar rules and distinctions (animate versus inanimate) has eroded the spirit and expressiveness of gete-inwewinin (the old language). Inanimacy is a distortion, altering one's perspective on life. It disrupts the natural order, causes conflicts within the Ojibwe language, and overlooks the Native perspective. Now, half a century later, it is clear that the spiritual essence of Anishinaabemowin has almost vanished.

"The Fluid Nature of Our Language" detail

Although most Ojibwe language teachers today employ an artificial division between animate and inanimate, gete-inwewinin did not include such distinctions. Listening to the Gete-Anishinaabeg (Elders) speak reveals a linguistic structure in their words and sentences that requires you to acknowledge that drums, pipes, animals, plants, trees, and natural phenomena were all regarded as animate beings.

Contrary to the common belief that "trees are animate and alive, whereas wooden tables and chairs are inanimate and not alive," the Ojibwe Anishinaabe language traditionally did not distinguish between animate and inanimate. The concept of animate versus inanimate is essentially foreign to the Anishinaabe way of thinking. In fact, our language doesn't even have a word for "inanimate."

"The bimaadad-bimaadizi cycle includes not only environmental life cycles but also integrates mental, spiritual, and spacial-temporal cycles. It forms the basis for all interactions among Beings."

For the Anishinaabeg, everything is considered alive, or animate, if you prefer. This idea is most clearly expressed in the traditional language.

Gakina gegoo bimaadad

Gakina awiya bimaadiziwag.

"Every-thing is alive

Every-one is alive."

Anishinaabemowin, Ojibwe language, is made up of relationships and interactions with, and between, two fluid and interconnected types of existence. These entities are called bimaadizi and bimaadad.* Both words are derived from bimaadiziwin, which means LIFE and, figuratively, CONDUCT FOR LIVING. These two categories of animacy represent two interconnected forms of existence, defined by their fluid characteristics.* The existential context of the verb frequently indicates whether it possesses a bimaadizi or bimaadad attribute, and whether this attribute is temporary.

Bimaadizi, she/he is alive, she/he lives.

Bimaadad, it lives, it is alive.

When you break down bimaadizi/bimaadad you get:

bim- = along in space or time, by;

-aad = way of being or life, character, nature;

-izi = she/he is in a state or condition

-ad = it is in a state or condition

As we discussed earlier, bimaadizi and bimaadad (also known as bimaadis and bimaadan, or pimaatis and pimaatan in Northwestern Ojibweg) are often mistranslated as "animate" and "inanimate" by language scholars. This reflects a Western perspective that categorizes Anishinaabe languages using formal grammar rules, labeling things as alive (having spirit) or dead (lacking spirit), which can be misleading.

As I noted in my previous posts, Anishinaabe philosophy holds that all beings and objects within the bimaadizi category possess a certain life quality due to their presence in the world. They actively engage in nature, ceremonies, dreams, and visions. On the other hand, bimaadad entities and objects have a specific life quality based on their current existence in nature and daily life, generally assuming a more passive role compared to bimaadizi entities and objects. Bimaadad entities and objects are often in a resting state, although temporarily, while bimaadizi denotes an active state.

The bimaadad-bimaadizi cycle includes not only environmental life cycles but also integrates mental, spiritual, and spacial-temporal cycles. It forms the basis for all interactions among Beings.

It is important to understand that the distinction between bimaadizi/pimaatis and bimaadad/pimaatan affects verb conjugation, with different verb forms used depending on whether the noun (temporarily or in the specific context) falls into one of the two forms of animacy.

Common examples of the bimaadizi category (which we refer to as cat. 1 animate in grammatical terms) include animals, plants, trees (including wiigwaasag, or birch trees), ancestors, certain minerals, flour, trees, kettles, and spoons. Examples of bimaadad existences (referred to as cat. 2 animate) generally include tables, meat, forks, mountains, wiigwaas (birchbark), makakoon (birchbark baskets or boxes) and wiigiwaaman (birchbark houses), though not always.

In Anishinaabemowin, the idea of animateness (as seen in both bimaadizi and bimaadad existences) knows no bounds. It is endlessly dynamic, capable of being changed by the mood of the moment, the speaker's mood, the context, the use, the circumstances, and even the cosmos or our entirety. **

It is our our very language that reflects the exchange of spirit, its inherent resting/active states, and the ongoing evolution of interactions among the entities around us.

Again, it is important to highlight: Strict grammar rules and English dichotomies, such as the artificial separations between animate and inanimate, greatly restrict our grasp of linguistic concepts and, in turn, our understanding of ourselves as a People!

Everything in our worldview is interconnected and fluid, and this includes our language as well. It is therefore important to understand that the line between bimaadizi and bimaadad is not always clear; there are no fixed rules when it comes to determining if an entity or object is either this or that. For example, in several communities across Anishinaabe Aki, manoomin, the wild rice, is regarded to be bimaadad (pimaadin); however, sometimes Anihšināpēk (Anishinaabeg) of western Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta tend to regard the manoomin to be pimaatis (bimaadizi).

Another example is the biinjigosan, or ceremonial bundle, which is typically grouped in the bimaadad category, but in some instances, for example when it is ritually ("actively") used in ceremony, it may take on characteristics that are usually grouped in the bimaadizi class.

The bundle, regarded as a bimaadad entity, will eventually evolve into a bimaadizi. This change occurs because of the bundle's life-giving properties and its frequent use in ceremonies. The owner spiritually "reactivates" the bundle by regularly touching, opening, unfolding, smudging, closing, and refolding it many times, leading the bundle and all the sacred items inside to ultimately become a bimaadizi entity.

Similarly, that same bundle could, in theory, revert to being a bimaadad being if its carrier neglects it for an extended period… (For further reading on this topic, visit: Reflections on a Ceremonial Bundle and on the Nature of Our Language.

THE FLUID NATURE OF A BIRCHBARK BASKET

The painting titled "Voice of the Thunder Tree" serves as another example of how living entities can shift between two fluid and interconnected forms of existence, influenced by context. At the heart of the illustration is a wiigwaasi-makak, or birchbark box. Creating wiigwaasi-makakoon (birchbark boxes) is a vital part of the Anishinaabe people's culture. A traditional makak is crafted from wiigwaas (birchbark), stitched with wigob (basswood bast), and features a flexible wooden mikwand (rim) attached to the bark. "Wiigwaasi-makak," or simply "makak," is, grammatically, an animate word of category 2. This means that the plural form ends with -n: makakoon.

"When it is dreamed about, envisioned, used as a ritual object in ceremonies, or becomes part of a sacred story, the basket, made of birchbark, reclaims its past existence as a living tree, nourished by the earth through its roots, breathing through its leaves and bark, with its stem and branches reaching toward the sky. Both the tree and the bark-made utensil are considered animated, yet they exist in the world in different ways and capacities."

The tree on the left, known as a wiigwaasaatig or white birch, is also regarded as an animate being. It is connected by power lines from three small Thunderbirds, along with a wiigwaasi-makak filled with miinan (blueberries) and an ikwe (woman) experiencing a vision. In her vision, the Thunderbirds, emitting power lines that link the tree and the basket made from its bark, symbolize the animated relationship between the source (the tree) and the human-made creation (the makak). Although the makak is grammatically considered a bimaadad (animate cat.2) entity, in the ikwe's vision, it transforms into a bimaadizi being. The same may apply to the miinan inside the makak; they also shift from bimaadad beings to bimaadizi beings. Grammatically, this indicates a noun belonging to cat.1 animate. This is not necessarily a permanent state; the makak and its contents (the blueberries) are perceived as bimaadizi objects only within the context of the dreamer's vision.

The wiigwaasi-makak is percieved through the dreamer's spiritual vision as having a more dynamic role than simply being a man-made container for berries. One might say that the makak, though just a tool made from bark, is spiritually reanimated or reactivated, regaining the original spirit it had when it was a living tree. When it is dreamed about, envisioned, used as a ritual object in ceremonies, or becomes part of a sacred story, the wiigwaasi-makak reclaims its past existence as a living tree, nourished by the earth through its roots, breathing through its leaves and bark, with its stem and branches reaching toward the sky. Both the tree and the bark-made utensil are considered animated, yet they exist in the world in different ways and capacities. Through dreaming, ceremonies, or storytelling, the makak and the berries it holds transition from passively existing animated objects to being "reanimated" into their previous active state of life. In both speech and writing, the term "wiigwaasi-makak" shifts from an "it" to a "s/he," which is grammatically shown in its plural form: "wiigwaasi-makakoon" becomes "wiigwaasi-makakoog." Similarly, grammatically speaking, the miinan inside the makak, once they take on an animate quality of category 2, adopt a -g plural form: miinag.

In summary: Inanimacy is not a genuine concept. There is only animacy, known as bimaadiziwin/pimaadisiwin, which can be grammatically divided into bimaadizi/pimaadis or bimaadad/pimaadan. Anishinaabe nouns and verbs are classified into these two grammatical categories, rooted in an animistic belief developed over millennia through observing and interacting with various life forms. By embracing bimaadiziwin, or life in its fullest sense, and adhering to grammatical categories like bimaadizi/pimaadis and bimaadad/pimaadan, while acknowledging their fluidity, we begin to understand the paradoxical nature of animacy and the cognitive perspective of our ancestors, who recognized that gakina gegoo bimaadad idash gakina awiiya bimaadiziwag: Everything and everyone is alive. Conclusion: The essence of the bimaadizi/bimaadad paradox is rooted in our animistic viewpoint and is reflected in our traditional narratives, ceremonies, and the philosophical teachings of the Seven Grandfathers.

A LIST OF BIMAADIZI AND BIMAADAD NOUNS

In earlier times, before grammarians trained in academia imposed scripts and rules on our oral language, there was no formal grammar. Today, as the old speech fades and Anishinaabemowin becomes a written language bound by syntax and inflections, it is widely accepted that verbs and nouns are divided into animate and inanimate categories. For nouns, this distinction determines if they end in -g or -n, respectively. To recapture some of the ancestral essence of our language, Turtle Mountains Chippewa Elder Jessie Cree and I believe it's crucial to abandon this artificial contrast. Instead, we suggest classifying beings and objects into two categories of animacy: bimaadizi (animated beings including some man-made objects) and bimaadad (animated things and objects, stories, and organisms such as tree roots, certain herbs, plant and fruit species, as well as certain natural phenomena). From our perspective, plural bimaadizi (category 1 animate) nouns end in /-g/, while plural bimaadad (category 2 animate) nouns typically end in /-n/.

Let's examine 45 Anishinaabe words chosen somewhat randomly and categorize them based on these grammatical rules. The Anishinaabe names (nouns), along with their plural endings, are presented in Fiero double vowel script,*** followed by their pronunciation according to Phonetic Writing Chart #1. Remember that pronunciations are approximate and can vary by region.

RELATIVES OF THE BIMAADIZI/PIMAADIS ("S/HE) LIVES") CLASS:

The sun – giizis/oog [geeh-ZISS]/[geeh-zis-SOOHG]

The moon – dibiki-giizis/oog [dih-bih-kih-ghee-ZISS]/dih-bih-kih-ghee-zis-SOOHG]

A star – anang/oog (in some dialects or in a different context stars may belong to the bimaadad/pimaadan category) [a-NANG-k]/[a-nang-GOOHK]

A tree – mitig/oog [mih-TICK]/[mih-tick-GOOHK]

A cedar tree - giizhik/ag [ghee-ZHICK/ghee-zhih-KUCK]

A birch tree - wiigwaas/ag [wee-GWAHS]/[wee-gwahs-suck]

A uterus – abinoojiinh/yag gaa-abid/jig [a-bih-nooh-JEEÑ/a-bih-nooh-GEE-yuck A-bid/a-bih-JEEG]

Tobacco – asemaa/g [a-say-MAH/a-say-MAHG] Or: [a-SAY-ma/a-say-MAHG] A Midewiwin medicine pouch - midewayaan/ag [miht-tay-wa-YAHN/mih-day-wa-yahn-UCK]

A corn plant – mandaamin/ag [man-DAH-min/man-dah-min-UCK]

An animal – awesiinh, plural: awesiinyag [a-way-SEEÑ/a-way-see-YUCK]

A human being; a person - anishinaabe/g [ah-nih-shih-nah-BEH/a-nish-ih-na-BEHG]

Life; a living being; a human being; a person - bemaadizid [behm-ah-dih-zitt], plural bemaadizijig [behm-ah-dih-ZHEEG] or bemaadiziwaad [behm-ah-dih-zih-WAHD]

An ancestor/a great-grandparent/ a great-grandchild – aanikoobijigan/ag [ah-nih-kooh-bih-jih-gun]/[ah-nih-kooh-bih-jih-gun-uck]

A snowshoe – aagima/g [ah-GIM]/[ah-gim-UCK]

A rock or a stone – asin/iig [a-SIN]/a-sin-EEG]

A stone pipe – asinii-opwaagan/ag [a-sin-NEE-op-WAH-gun]/[a-sin-NEE-op-WAH-gun-nuck]

A metal kettle – akik/oog [a-KICK]/a-kick-OOK]

A hand drum – dewe'igan/ag [deh-WEH-ih-gun]/deh-WEH-ih-gun-UCK]

Bannock or bannock flour – bakwezhigan/ag [buh-KWEH-zhih-gun]/[buh-KWEH-zhih-gun-uck]

A spoon – emikwaan/ag (in some dialects or in a different context a spoon may belong to the bimaadad/pimaadan category) [e-mih-KWAHN]/[e-mih-KWAHN]/[e-mih-KWAHN-uck]

A hawk – gekek/wag [geh-kehk]/[geh-kehk-wuck]

A sacred-story protagonist of the nonhuman class, a spirit – aadizookaan/ag [ah-tis-SO-kahn]/[ ah-tis-SO-kahn-nuck]

RELATIVES OF THE BIMAADAD/PIMAATIN ("IT LIVES") CLASS:

Wood - mitig/oon [mih-tick]/[mih-tick-GOOHN]

A tree root or plant root – ojiibik/an or /oon [o-GEE-bick]/o-GEE-bick-AN] or [o-GEE-bick]/o-GEE-bick-OOHN]

A flower – waabigwan/iin [WAH-bih-gun]/[WAH-bi-gun-EEN]

A (blue)berry – miin/an [meen]/[meen-NAN]

Sweetgrass – wiingashk/oon [ween-gushk]/[ween-gushk-KOOHN]

Sage - maskhodewask/oon [mashk-o-deh-wushk]/ [mashk-o-deh-wushk-OON]

A ceremonial bundle - biinjigosan/an [been-jih-GO-san]/[been-jih-go-san-an]

Soil (the earth, land, country) – aki/in [a-KIH]/[a-KEEN]

A cloud - aanakwad/oon [ah-na-KWUD]/[ah-na-kwud-OOHN]

A rainbow - nagweyaab/iin [nag-weh-yahb]/[nag-weh-yah-been]

A table - adoopowin/aan [a-dooh-po-win]/n [a-dooh-po-win-an]

Water – nibi(in)[nih-PIH]/[nih-BEEN]

Fire - ishkode/n [ish-ko-TEH]/[ish-ko-TEHN]

A ceremonial rattle - zhiishiigwan/an [shee-shee-gwan]/shee-shee-gwan-an] (In a different context meat may belong to the bimaadizi/pimaadis category and end on -ag)

Meat – wiiyaas/an [wee-YAASS]/[wee-YAAS-san] (in a different context meat may belong to the bimaadizi/pimaadis category and end on -ag)

Birch bark - wiigwaas/an [wee-GWAHS]/[wee-gwahs-san]

A container (a basket or box) - makak/oon [mak-kuck]/[mak-kuck-KOOHN]

A wigwam (house, lodge) - wiigiwaam/an [wee-gih-WAHm]/wee-gih-wahm-an]

A mountain – wajiw/an [wa-CHEW]/[wa-chew-AN]

A moccasin - makizin/an [muck-kih-SIN]/[muck-kih-sin-NAN]]

A fork – badaka’igan/an [ba-da-ka-EE-gan]/[ba-da-ka-ee-gan-nan]

A spoon – emikwaan/an (in some dialects or in a different context a spoon may belong to the bimaadizi/pimaadis category) [e-mih-KWAHN]/[e-mih-KWAHN-an]

A cup or small disk - onaagaans/an [oh-nah-GAHÑS]/[oh-nah-gahñ-SAN]

A lake – zaaga’igan/an [zah-gah-EEH-gan]/[zah-gah-EE-gan-NAN] or zaaga’igan/iin [zah-gah-EEH-gan]/[zah-gah-EE-gan-NEEN]

A traditional story – aadizookaan/an [ah-tis-SO-kahn]/[ ah-tis-SO-kahn-nan] (in certain dialects or contexts, a traditional story might fall under the bimaadizi/pimaadis category and conclude with -ag)

For further reading, see:

The Cycle of Life

Reflections on a Ceremonial Bundle and the Nature of Our Language

FOOTNOTES:

* Teaching by Leena White, ca. 2001. Source: Maya Chacaby: Anishinaabe Ishinaam'win.

** Based on a teaching by Dr. Cecil King. Source: J. Randolphe Valentine: Nishnaabemwin Reference Grammar, p. 119.

***For the Fiero double vowel script, see the chart located at the bottom of this page.

Illustrations (top to bottom):

FIERO DOUBLE VOWEL CHART

This guide offers a general pronunciation of Ojibwe words. The consonants are pronounced in a way that is roughly similar to English. 

“a”- sounds like the “a” in English"tuba" or the "u" in English "but"
“aa”- sounds like the extended “a” sound in the English word "pecan"
"ay" - sound like the "ye"  in English "bye-bye"
“i”- sounds like the “i” in English "bit"
“ii”- sounds like the “ee” in English "reed"
“o”- sounds like the "u" in English "put": for example: "onjibaa" (s/he comes from a certain place) or the "u" in English "bush": for example: "animosh" (dog)
“oo”- sounds like the “oo” in English "loot"; for example: "boozhoo" (greetings). In some cases it resembles the "oa" in English "boat"; for example, "indoonjibaa" (I come from a certain place) or "gidoodem" (your clan)
“e”- sounds like the “ay” in English "stay" or the "e" in "ledger"
y  - The letter “y” followed by a long or short vowel resembles the "y" sounds of "yin-yang"
"zh"- sounds like the "su" in pleasure.

Vowel + nh - The "nh" indicates a nasalized vowel, with the "h" not pronounced as a separate sound. Examples: aanh (also written as a'anh), enh, iinh, oonh.

An apostrophe (') is used to express a glottal stop: a distinct consonant sound similar to the pause in the English word "uh-oh"

Consonants: generally pronounced similarly to English consonants.

"sh" sounds like the "sh" in English show or the “su” in English measure - corresponding with "zh" in Fiero script
"zh" sounds like the “su” in English measure - corresponding with "zh" in Fiero script
"j" resembles the "j" sound in "Jim."