Teachings from the Tree of Life: Why Bears Never Speak Backward but Some Indians Do
- zhaawano
- Feb 24, 2024
- 22 min read
Updated: Sep 22
Makwa-giizis (Bear Moon), February 24, 2024
"Ojibwe language (in Minnesota) is severely endangered and is a language spoken by grandparents and older generations; while the parent generation may understand it, they do not speak it to children or among themselves.”
- UNESCO, 2010."If you want to talk like a bear, I hope you're a bear, not a person!"
- Jessie Cree, Turtle Mountain elder"You might occasionally wonder why it's crucial to learn the Ojibwe language correctly. This means focusing on the SOUND-oriented, spiritually rich language of the past, rather than the modern approach that emphasizes strict GRAMMAR rules. The reason, I believe, is that even if you feel disconnected from your ancestral ways, learning the language in a spiritual, sound-based manner reconnects you with what and whom you thought were lost. It ensures that you will be recognized by the gete-ayaa'ag when it's time to leave this world and return home.
The ancestors have ears, you know."
- Zhaawano Giizhik"Christianity is the sword that severed the Indigenous pathway. We fell into the open wound, and this is what happened to many of our harmed and broken elders to adopt into the “new” way...Many believe that our elders suffered, it’s true, but the fact remains to this day that it is our children that are the sacrifice."
- Michel Sutherland, Inino elderBoozhoo. Last Wednesday, I took a tumble down the stairs. I ended up with a bruised shoulder and a couple of broken ribs. Ouch. I need to heal, so there's not much I can do besides think a bit and write. After coming across a quote, my thoughts began to drift, and as I attempted various words to regain my focus, the terms "syntax" and "backward" came to mind.
The quote that initiated it all: "They took our languages. Now they're selling it back to us through programs and university courses..."
As I ponder Ojibwe syntax, or word order, my thoughts eventually come to a stop. I realize how lucky I am to have met a few elder Indigenous people whose first languages are Ojibwemowin and Nehinawewin. Listening to them, I understand that the deep structure of the old language is fading as the old ways disappear. I observe that when they form a sentence, they use a different word order. It's almost like forming a sentence in English, but in reverse. Almost in perfect reverse order!
Additionally, I have greatly benefited, and continue to benefit, from the exceptional knowledge my Jewish/Ainu friend Charles J. Lippert possesses regarding Ojibwe grammar, etymology, and the traditional history of the Anishinaabe Peoples. His insights and guidance on cultural and language issues have been incredibly helpful in ensuring accuracy in the Anishinaabe-related stories and posts I have written to date, and I am deeply thankful to him.
Now, back to Ojibwe syntax (word order).
Syntax: The arrangement of words and phrases to create well-formed sentences in a language.
- Oxford languagesAn Ojibwe friend, Jesse Cree from Mikinaakwajiwing (Turtle Mountains, North Dakota) once said to me:
“Most of the Ojibwe words (used to be) put together in opposite or reversal from English.” I think he is right. The more I think about it, the more I suspect modern speakers – especially those with an academic background – use English as the basis for the Ojibwe language. This is one of the reasons I am not in favor of using artificial grammar rules like the animate/inanimate dichotomy, no matter what the Ojibwe "textbook" teachers say. Making a distinction between animate and inanimate words is to overlook the fact that to the old people everything was alive and thus animate.
" One thing for sure is that all things have life inside of them. Seeds, stones (create sparks), shells, have the spark of life. The drum (wood), the rattle (hide, metal, or wood) has memory of its original life. They are really alive."
Anishinaabemowin, the Ojibwe language, was traditionally an unwritten and dynamic language, characterized by a highly context-driven and flexible set of grammar rules—reflecting the fluidity of life itself. However, modern Ojibwe textbook instructors have become fixated on their own strict grammar rules, which most people follow without question. They become upset with me and my friends from the mountain and the bush for challenging these rules. I believe that the Ojibwe language cannot be directly compared to the English language without consequences. Modern Ojibwe textbook instructors have turned Anishinaabemowin into an empty shell, stripped of its meaning and soul, which deeply concerns me. Numerous layers of meaning in the traditional language, once showcasing an unparalleled cultural richness and depth, are being lost forever.
Maamawi wiiji'ididaa dazhiikamang Anishinaabemowin. Biinitoodaa gidinwewininaan.
Let's work together revitalizing Ojibwe. Let's decolonize our language!
Indeed, at first glance, the animate/inanimate distinction seems to make learning Anishinaabemowin more "convenient." However, gidinwewininaan (our language) is not the same as English, French, or any other European language. My point is, why approach gidinwewininaan in a purely technical manner and apply artificial grammatical distinctions when this doesn't truly capture its depth and richness? Regardless of perspective, inanimate means "not alive." Yet, in the gete-ayaa's view, "inanimate" was an unknown concept. To truly grasp their culture, it must be understood that the language reflects everything about us, our past, and our future. Elder Jessie Cree once remarked: "One thing for sure is that all things have life inside of them. Seeds, stones (create sparks), shells, have the spark of life. The drum (wood), the rattle (hide, metal, or wood) has memory of its original life. They are really alive."
"Language can disrupt the glue for colonial thinking which has been fundamentally dehumanizing to Indigenous people." - Waagosh (Anton Treuer)
Everything is alive; nothing is inanimate. Using an artificial grammar term to describe something as inanimate is an abomination. Grammar rules should mirror real life. Forcing artificial grammar rules onto Anishinaabemowin undermines a language rich in life and spirit. It's like wearing shoes that don't fit. Bimaadad is as animate as bimaadizi, just in a different, often temporary way. Bimaadad represents a state of being alive that might be described in English as passive or stative, while bimaadizi signifies a form of aliveness that could be described as "active in the present moment." However, even these English descriptions don't fully capture the deeper meaning and nuances of these two ways of living/being in Anishinaabemowin. European thought and grammar fall short when trying to fully understand the spirit and expressiveness of Anishinaabemowin. As Anton Treuer (Waagosh), professor in Ojibwe language once said: "Language can disrupt the glue for colonial thinking which has been fundamentally dehumanizing to Indigenous people."
The story "The Animate Pants" (Source: Brendan Fairbanks, The Ojibwe Changed Conjunct Verb as Completive Aspect) revolves around a young girl and her grandmother who visit a store and stop by a neighbor's house where pants are being hung to dry. The girl is surprised when the neighbor talks about the pants as if they are alive, using the verb bimaadizi "agoozh" ("indaagoona," ‘I’m hanging him/her up’) instead of the verb bimaadad "agoodoon" ("hang something up"). Her grandmother explains that this is a dialectal difference, something the girl was not aware of before. However, it goes beyond just a dialectal variation: although many Ojibwe words are generally classified under bimaadad, in certain situations, where an object is perceived in a unique, often personal way, they are categorized as bimaadizi. The reverse can also happen! In Anishinaabe philosophy, everything and everyone—natural objects, phenomena, humans, man-made items, animals, plant beings, and spirit beings—possesses some degree of life. What sets them apart is how, in what context, or to what degree of aliveness they exist in relation to others.
Ikwezens miinawaa ookomisan izhaawaad adaawewigamigong.
Mii dash gaa-ni-izhi-noogishkaawaad imaa owiijigamishkawaaganiwaan
Ikwezens ookomisan ezhi-gagwejimaad, ''aniin ezhichigeyan?"
"Ingiboode’igwaazon indagoonaa."
Eni-maajaawaad gomaapii gii-ikido ikwezens
"Bimaadiziwidogenan iidog iniw ogiboode’igwaazonan."
''Gaawiin, mii gosha omaa ezhi-giizhwewaad ongow Anishinaabeg." ("A little girl and grandmother were going to the store.
On the way, they stopped off at a neighbor’s house.
The girl’s grandmother asked the neighbor, “What are you doing?”
“I’m hanging up my pants.”
Sometime later after they had left there, the girl says, “Could it be that those pants of hers are alive?”
‘No, that’s just the way that these Indians speak around here.”")You might occasionally wonder why it's crucial to learn the language correctly. This refers to the SOUND-focused, spiritually rich language of the past, rather than the modern method of speaking and writing Ojibwe based on rigid GRAMMAR rules. The answer, I believe, lies in the fact that even if you feel disconnected from your ancestors' traditions, learning the language in a spiritual, sound-focused way helps you reconnect with what and whom you thought you had lost, ensuring that you remain recognizable to the gete-ayaa'ag when it's time to leave this world and return home.
The ancestors have ears, you know.
Once more, and I'll repeat it as often as necessary: Integrating our languages into the Western education system is not advisable. European linguistic dichotomies restrict our comprehension of our own linguistic ideas, thereby affecting our self-understanding as a People.
Once more, and I'll repeat it as often as necessary: Integrating our languages into the Western education system is not advisable. European linguistic dichotomies restrict our comprehension of our own linguistic ideas, thereby affecting our self-understanding as a People.
It is crucial for teachers to begin challenging the numerous entrenched patterns of thought and concepts that the Zhaagaanaashag (English) have imposed, as the language fails to capture its spiritual depth and richness adequately.
Aanawi Anishininaabe-izhichigeng giwanitoomin, Anishinaabe-izhitwaawinan miinawaa go Anishinaabe gaa-pi-izhichigewaad mewinzha, geyaabi imaa ayaamagad. Geyaabi imaa ayaamagad i'iwe gete-anishinaabemowin. Maamawi wiiji'ididaa dazhiikamang gidinwewininaan. Biinitoodaa gidinwewininaan.
"Although we are losing our Anishinaabe culture, the traditions of the People and the long-gone ways and language of our ancestors are still here. The old language is still here. Let's work together revitalizing our language. Let's decolonize our language!"
Anishinaabemowin: A language which is part of the Algonquian language family, where varying dialects of Anishinaabemowin are spoken throughout Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, North Dakota, and Montana in the United States, and Québec, Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and British Columbia in Canada. The term often used to describe the language of the Ojibweg specifically, can also be used to describe a language spoken by the Anishininiwag (Oji-Cree), Odaawaag, Bodewadmig, and other related Algonquian speaking tribes. Ojibwemowin, sometimes used interchangeably with Anishinaabemowin, refers specifically to the language spoken by the Ojibwe people. Anishininimowin, which in fact is an Anishinaabe language, is the language spoken by the Anishininiwag/Oji-Cree. It is closely related to the Ojibwe language (and as such even classified as an Ojibwemowin dialect) , yet has a different literary tradition based in Cree, and several phonological and grammatical differences.
Cree: Part of the Algonquian language family, one of the most widely spoken Indigenous languages in Canada and the US. Spoken by the Ininewak (Cree), the language can be categorized into the following dialects:
Nêhiyawêwin ᓀᐦᐃᔭᐍᐏᐣ (Plains Cree)
Nīhithawīwin ᓃᐦᐃᖬᐑᐏᐣ (Woods Cree)
Nêhinawêwin ᓀᐦᐃᓇᐌᐎᐣ (Western Swampy Cree)
Ininîmowin ᐃᓂᓃᒧᐎᓐ (Eastern Swampy Cree)
Ililîmowin ᐃᓕᓖᒧᐎᓐ (Moose Cree)
Iyiniu-Ayamiwin ᐄᓅ ᐊᔨᒨᓐ (Southern East Cree)
Iyiyiu-Ayamiwin ᐄᔨᔫ ᐊᔨᒨᓐ (Northern East Cree)
Nehirâmowin (Atikamekw)
Nehlueun (Western Montagnais, Piyekwâkamî dialect)
Ilnu-Aimûn (Western Montagnais, Betsiamites dialect)
Innu-Aimûn (Eastern Montagnais)Another friend of mine, Michel Sutherland from the Inino/ Nishnawbe Aski Nation of Fort Albany, Northeastern Ontario, once told me that the old ones say the IRS (Indian Residential School Indians) as well as the "textbook Indians" (those who use a modern grammar based on English) speak "upside down."
He told me, "We view the geographical map from the north end of the map. I was taught to read the map from and on the south side, like my teachers said… the proper way." Then, with a laugh, he added, " I now sit on the Northern position.... And so, yes, I heard our old people say… the IRS, the so-called… educated, speak upside down!"
The way my Ojibwe and Inino (Cree) friends from the mountains and swamps of North Dakota and Ontario communicate shows me that you can express yourself in the old language without being bound to English, as long as your words are understood. The elders didn't concern themselves with strict grammar rules. Their word order was flexible, and they didn't use the animate/inanimate distinction found in modern textbooks. Ojibwe, Cree, and Oji-Cree are languages rich in description and action, relying on verbs rather than nouns to convey meaning. They are fluid, easily transitioning between categories of aliveness; the concept of "animate versus inanimate" was unfamiliar until English grammar was introduced. Anishinaabemowin is highly agglutinating, meaning it forms words by stringing together morphemes, rather than using multiple affixes to convey different information. Various auxiliaries (helping elements adding meaning and information to a given word) are added or removed to create morphological changes. In terms of word formation, the language is highly polysynthetic, with a high morpheme-to-word ratio. In Ojibwe, each syllable carries meaning, and a single word can function as a complete sentence. To convey a thought, sounds and morphs ("in-between-sounds") are prioritized over grammar rules. Verbal phrasing and pronunciation differ from the English tone.
Phonetics (speech sound) and grammar are interdependent. Phonetics does not replace grammar; rather, it serves as a tool to comprehend the construction of words and how they sound when combined. There is nothing worse than a grammatically correct sentence that doesn't sound right.
I agree with Elder Jessie Cree's statement: "English language came here after Ojibwa was already here. This is why we must make it available to know the old way of speaking and learning it faster and easier than English grammarians do. Most are taught the Ojibwa language by supporting the English grammar. It should be the other way around. If I talk Ojibwa why would I support the English language?"
Haw sa. The more I listen to Elders who are native speakers, the more I understand that merely learning to speak and write the language based on English grammar rules is insufficient. Anishinaabemowin is more a language of the heart than the mind. Forcing gidinwewininaan, our Indigenous languages, into the Western educational framework can be detrimental as it erases the language's morphology and our unique way of thinking. Elders and the younger generation struggle to understand each other when speaking the language. It is essential to create teaching methods and lesson plans that focus on speech sounds rather than strict grammar rules. The time has come to change the approach. Our Elders are aging, and there is no time to waste.
Morpheme vs. phoneme: What's the difference?
In linguistics, morpheme refers to a basic unit of meaning, while phoneme refers to a basic unit of sound. A morpheme is the smallest part of a word that still has its own independent meaning (for example, “aadizooken” (tell a story!) has two morphemes, “aadizooke” and “n”). A phoneme is an independent sound that creates a contrast in meaning (for example, in Anishinaabemowin, “g” and “k,” as in “giizhig” (sky or day) and “giizhik,” (cedar tree) are different phonemes because they cause a change in meaning).
All words on Anishinaabemowin, the Ojibwe language, are made of sound (phonemes) and meaning (morphemes). The best way to learn the language is to sound out the meaning, which involves learning careful pronunciation and, not unimportantly, recognizing how sounds create meaning. For example, “minotaagwad” means "it sounds good." "Itaagwad" is a word-final meaning it is heard; mino is a prefix meaning "good" or "well." The phonemes “min(w)” and “o” come together to make the morpheme “mino” which typically implies positive goodness when it comes at the front of a word-final or verb. It is never used as a word alone and the meaning it has in Anishinaabemowin has no exact equivalence in another language, so learning to hear and say it correctly is crucial.Let's examine the significance of a single speech sound ("phone") in the Ojibwe language.
For instance, when you want to say, "Is that right?" or "Do you agree?" many Anishinaabemowin speakers, especially new learners, would use "geget ina." Geget translates to sure, certainly, really, indeed; ina is a yes/no question word. Grammatically, "geget ina" is a perfectly proper (though not necessarily correct) way to express this, and most modern language teachers, who adhere to strict grammar rules, will affirm this. However, elder speakers raised in a traditional Ojibwe setting, and thus deeply familiar with the old language, understand something that many modern teachers may overlook or deem unimportant. To them, even a small sound can make a significant difference. They perceive a substantial distinction between "geget ina" and "gegetina." To them, "ina" implies "our (mine and your) agreement," while "tina" signifies "your agreement." Therefore, geget ina means "is that right for US?" whereas gegetina (pronounced as a single word, in one breath) means "is that right for YOU?" — making it a phrase of courtesy. Using "tina" ("tin-nuh") is more respectful because it carries the T from gegeT. By linking the last letter to the next word, the expression gains a sense of cordiality. Thus, SOUND proves to be more crucial than adhering to grammatically "correct" word patterns...
Learning to speak and write your Indigenous language purely through technical and artificial means, using English grammar rules, is insufficient. Forcing gidinwewininaan into the Western education system can be detrimental, as it removes the language's morphology and our distinct way of thinking. Our Elders and the younger generation struggle to understand each other when speaking the language. We must create teaching methods and lesson plans that focus on speech sounds rather than strict grammar rules. It's crucial to act now. Our Elders are aging, and we cannot afford to wait.
Small but crucial details like these have been overlooked in the modern teaching and learning methods of grammar and collegiate institutions in the US and Canada. This is because the focus has shifted from sound to grammar. What does this example illustrate? It shows that to express and preserve the richness of Anishinaabemowin, a phonetic and phonic approach to the language is vital. Morphemes (the smallest units of language that carry meaning) and phonemes (a set of speech sounds that can distinguish one word from another) are fundamental to Anishinaabemowin. The richness of our speech is determined by how we utilize the richness of inwewin, the language. After all, Anishinaabemowin is a SPIRITUAL language where the concept of INCLUSIVENESS (the establishment of relationships with one's community and the spirits and an effort to make sense and order of the world) is central. Thus, in learning correct Ojibwe, sounds are not dependent on grammar, yet grammar should always depend on sounds ("phones").
An important rule of thumb in learning the Anishinaabe/Ojibwe language is that whatever you wish to express, whether spoken or written, must sound right.
It has to SOUND right.
Polysinthetic: Denoting or relating to a language characterized by complex words consisting of several morphemes, in which a single word may function as a whole sentence. Many North and South American languages are polysynthetic.
- Oxford languages
Regarding syntax: I believe it's worthwhile to examine the word order closely and realign it with how Ojibwemowin and Anishininimowin were spoken before English influences altered them into backward (in the sense of "syntactically opposite") languages. I also suspect there are numerous similarities between Ojibwemowin (especially the northern dialects) and Metis. Jesse once mentioned that only the Metis blend their language primarily with French, along with some Ininewak (Cree) and English elements. I wonder if the "broken English structure" of the Metis is more similar to the structure of Ojibwemowin than the way it is taught in college programs?
This is a very essential difference in understanding the language and I believe it is important that we must get over this hurdle with the new age language speakers. "Correct" grammar or not; a sound means something. In fact, sounds mean everything since they do not follow syntax rules or are subjected to fixed grammatical structures.
Through extensive discussions with my friends, I've realized that the syntax of modern, textbook Ojibwe has almost completely reverted from the sentence structure of the old language. Older native speakers can still comprehend the ungrammatical sentences spoken by their parents and grandparents, a skill that second-language learners lack when listening to the elders. This difference is crucial for understanding the language, and I believe it's important to overcome this challenge with new-age speakers. Regardless of "correct" grammar, sounds convey meaning. In fact, sounds are paramount because they don't necessarily follow syntax rules or fixed grammatical structures.
Mikinaakwajiwinini Elder Jessie Cree once once remarked to me: "Most second-language Ojibwe speakers are stuck on the train in grammar city, unable to see the broader world."
What an eloquent way to perfectly capture the point!
As for grammatical word order, I think it is safe to say that, in practice, Ojibwe syntax order (at least, in transitive constructions) is typically, but not always, Verb-Object-Subject (VOS). Regarding grammatical word order, it is generally accurate to state that, in practice, Ojibwe syntax (particularly in transitive constructions) tends to follow a Verb-Object-Subject (VOS) pattern, though not always .Since Ojibwemowin is highly synthetic, word order and sentence structure are quite flexible, as much information is already embedded in the verb. The subject can appear before or after the verb, as can the object (SV or VS); however, the subject and object together cannot precede the verb. A general rule is that the participant considered more important or in-focus by the speaker is placed first, before the verb, with the less important participant following the verb. Additionally, a VS (verb–subject) order is typically employed when subjects are identified with separate nouns or pronouns.
Allow me to provide an example:
When I wish to express in Ojibwe that "The little people reside in an underground house" (see the above illustration, a painting depicting memegwesiwag, "magical little people").
One way of saying it would be: Daawag anaamakamig akiiwigaaning iniw memegwesiwag.
Word order: They-live underground in-a-groundhouse- those- little-people. The order is VS (verb-subject).
In English, subject-verb (SV) and subject-verb-object (SVO) are common syntax orders, though the order can vary based on the sentence's structure and complexity.
Here's an example. Suppose I want to express: Some little people live underground. How is Ojibwe apexing achieved? Using the English SV syntax, I might say something like Memegwesiwag bimaadiziwag anaamakamig (or akiiwigamigong) (The little people-live-beneath the ground/in the earth house). In reverse order, however, you would rearrange the sentence structure. Anaamakamig aanind daawag iniw memegwesiwag. Word order: Anaamakamig/ aanind/ daawag/ iniw/ memegwesiwag. Beneath-earth/ some/ they-reside/ those/little-people.
In my phrasing, the locative noun (beneath the earth) appears first, followed by the verb (live), and then the subject of the verb (little people). Anaamakamig/ aanind/ daawag/ iniw/memegwesiwag. Beneath-earth/ some/ they-reside/ those/little-people.
As you can observe, the structure of the final sentence differs significantly from English, using VS instead of SV.
This indicates a TOTAL inversion (SV English <> VS Ojibwe). Although a total inversion doesn't occur in every instance, it seems that in both languages, the V (and O) and S are frequently "rearranged" in relation to one another.
Indeed, my friends aren't entirely wrong when they describe Ojibwe as a "backward/upside down" language.
Ojibwemowin is primarily verb-based, and because much information is already embedded in the verb, the word order is quite flexible. The subject and object can appear either before or after the verb. Sentence structuring operates with the most significant element placed first, followed by elements of decreasing importance as the sentence continues.
You might ask if the elders consistently adhered to a fixed word order, as if it were set in stone. They certainly did not. For them, syntax was a flexible and evolving process that relied on the context of their message. Naturally, word order also varies based on what you wish to highlight in a sentence.
A summary:
Ojibwemowin heavily relies on verbs, and because much information is embedded within the verb, the word order is quite flexible. The subject and object can appear either before or after the verb. Sentence apexing (structuring) is determined by the speaker's emphasis: the participant considered more important or in-focus is placed before the verb, while the less important participant follows it.
English achieves sentence apexing in two ways:
The order of words should prioritize the most important subject (if there are several), the most important verb (if there are multiple verbs), or the most important object (if there are multiple objects) by placing them first in the sequence of those elements.
vocal tones (with increased pitch, volume, or both).
In traditional Ojibwe, the peak of a sentence is achieved by:
The word order is often, but not always, VOS, with the most important apex element appearing first, followed by elements of decreasing importance as the sentence continues.
by "carry on," which transfers the focus to the subsequent word through inserted morphs — temporarily used to establish a direct connection to the next word. The morphs that can be added to a sentence are nearly limitless, enabling you to describe anything; "ay," "ee," "ah," "uh," and others can alter the meaning of a word.
by interjection of particles, which also convey other shades of meaning, such as doubt, assertion, evaluative, etc.
Some examples of Ojibwe particles are:
ahaaw — alright; okay; okay then; O.K.; once more
aaniish naa — you see; well then; well now; well; that is ; how; why?!; what in the world!; how are you? (as greeting only)
aaniin — greetings!, hello!, hi!
da — please, come on (clarification marker)
da naa! — damn it!
daga — please, by all means, come on, well
ehe — yes
eye — (female speaking)
enʼ — yes (male speaking)
enyanhʼ — yes
gaawesaa — Impossible! No way! Can't be done!
gaawiin ingodinoo — I don't care, no matter, forget about it; It's ok (that)
gaye — also; and; as for; as well; or; plus; too
giiwenh — so the story goes; so it is said. Example: Mewinzha giiwenh gaawiin ogii-siigwebinanziinaawaa ziinzibaakwadwaaboo.
go — expressing affirmation, assertiveness, assurance (emphasis marker) (see igo)
gosha — emphasis marker: indeed! isn't it! for certain! really! actually...you know (filler word)
haw sa — yes!
igo — expressing affirmation, assertiveness, assurance (emphasis marker) (see go)
iko — used to, formerly, previously, some time ago, it was the custom to. Example: Anaamoonag iko ningii-tazhi-odaminomin. We used to play under the boat.
ina — question marker for yes/no questions (always placed after the first word in the sentence; used after words ending in a consonant). Da-gimiwan ina? Is it going to rain. Giwiisin ina? Are you eating? but: Gigii-anokii na bijiinaago? Did you work yesterday?
iidog — maybe; must be. Example: Dibi iidog. I don't know where it is.
miigwech — thank you
miigwech gayegiin — you're welcome! (literally: thanks-and-you)
miinawaa — (coordinating conjunction) again; also; and also; and; more and more; once more; other; then
na — Question marker for yes/no questions. It is always placed after the first word in the sentence. If the first word ends in a vowel, use the particle na; if it ends in a consonant, use ina.
nahaaw — okay (assent)
naa — well! (emphatic particle)
oo — oh! oh my!
sa — emphasis marker. Example: Mii sa go ozhiitaawaad igo. They were getting ready.
(a)tayaa — good golly; great many; hey!; indeed!; oh boy! ; oh my! ; too much; well!
way — exclamation. Example: Way, yay, wewiib enda-gizhigaawan iniw ininaatigoon. Goodness gracious, hurry, the maples are running just fast.
waa — my! (exclamation)
yay — exclamation. Example: Way, yay, wewiib enda-gizhigaawan iniw ininaatigoon. Goodness gracious, hurry, the maples are running just fast.
In the old language, emotion was generally expressed through particles rather than vocal tones. However, in Ojibwe influenced by Dakota and Ojibwe influenced by French and English, tonal cues are also present, though they differ from those in the other languages. Additionally, in Ojibwemowin, certain important words are highlighted by slightly lengthening the word, similar to slowing down the sentence cadence, but only for that specific word.
Although particles are important, Anishinaabemowin is far from being a dull language. In the traditional manner of speaking, emphasis and phrasing play a crucial role in expressing ideas.
For instance, consider the word nibimaadiziwin ("my life"). You might pronounce it as Nih bim aa di zi win. Alternatively, you could say Nee be mah tizz zee win. Other variations include nee be maad izi win, nee be mah tiss see win, nee be mah tee zee win, nee be maad izz zee win, nee be maad ee zee win, nee be uh maad tiss see win, nee be uh maad tee ee zee win, nee pee uh maad tizz ze win, nee be uh maad tiss zee win, or nee be uhmaadtiziwin, among others. The choice of pronunciation is yours, including which syllable to emphasize and how to convey the spirit of what you want to express.
Consider another example: the expression nishin igo, which means "very good." Here, nishin signifies good, while igo serves as an emphasis marker. There are multiple ways to pronounce (and write) it: Nee shin EE go; nee shin AH go; pee chin NUH go, and so on. Whatever variation you use, it significantly alters the word.
You can place the syllables wherever you choose, but adhering to grammar rules imposes restrictions. Ojibwe allows the freedom to arrange sounds in any way you like. Once you understand this, you are free to create.
"The English language arrived here after the Ojibwa language was already present. Therefore, it's important to facilitate learning the traditional way of speaking, making it quicker and simpler than the methods used by English grammarians. Most people learn the Ojibwa language through the support of English grammar, but it should be the reverse. If I speak Ojibwa, why should I support the English language?" - Turtle Mountain Elder Jessie Cree
Nevertheless, a traditional first-language speaker might express it this way: Weweni nimbimiwidoon ay-nindizhinikaazowin. Phonetically written as: Way-way-nih-nim-bim-ih--wit-oon-ay-nind-izh-ih-nih-KAA-zoh-win. The prefix morph AY (pronounced like ay in the English word way) is used to connect the verb (nim)bimiwidoon (carry) with the sentence's object, nindizhinikaazowin (my name). It smooths out the sentence, making it clearer for a first-language speaker. There are numerous morphs like AY, each with its own meaning, and they can be inserted anywhere as long as they sound appropriate. You can place any morph before a word and it will be fine, but in the context of the sentence above, AY aligns well with your message or intent.
Put differently: The inclusion of interjecting particles and morphs that convey emphasis and clarity is significant in the meaning of the word and the entire sentence.
Gide’ aabijitoon bizindaman: All you have to do is open your heart and listen...
To speak Ojibwe properly, even if you're not fluent, I believe you should prioritize sounds over grammar rules. It's all about the sounds! Strict grammar rules, especially those based on English, can restrict and dominate the Ojibwe language. Too many rigid rules hinder the learning process. The elders didn't focus on grammar rules; they simply expressed themselves. Begin with an intuitive grasp of the word sounds you've learned. Whenever possible, listen to recordings of elders and teachers, and record yourself to identify areas for improvement. Remember, the elders spoke slowly and thoughtfully, never quickly. Take each word slowly, breaking it into parts or even reading it backward if needed. Most importantly, practice daily, starting with words and then phrases, to become comfortable speaking aloud. If it sounds right, great; if not, adjust the sounds, applying them to specific words or groups until they sound correct and convey your intended meaning. If textbook teachers criticize your grammar, don't let it discourage you. It might seem odd, but that's okay—if it sounds good, it sounds good! Gide’ aabijitoon bizindaman: All you have to do is open your heart and listen...
Bears don't use grammar either, but when they growled, our people opened their hearts and truly listened; their minds comprehended what the bear communicated in a telepathic manner. When a bear speaks, it is clear and straightforward, never confusing. When a bear growls, everyone understands what it is saying.
Allow a bear to growl, and let an Ojibwe person speak their language.
>>See also: The Power of Sound.